Sure, there is certainly validity in the fact that the founders left things sometimes deliberately ambiguous and of quotes such as the one you mentioned of Madison. However, even the most ardent living Constitutionalist could hopefully see that at some point, you would get so far beyond what was written that you're not interpreting anything - you're writing what you want into it (at least I hope they would agree that you could get there, otherwise, they are worse off than I thought). The issue isn't that originalists as I understand it and as I lean believe that 100% perfectly every time you can think, what would all of the founders have perfectly meant here. It's just that they lean towards looking at things from the standpoint of when they were wrote, what they really meant, whereas living constitution people lean towards the side of more of reinterpreting it for the ages. Sure, could you go to extremes either way? Absolutely. Does the simplicity of at least the arguments of originalists (if not their interpretation) mean that they are inherently flawed - certainly not.
How should a justice rule when pressed to establish a particular new right when there is no nexus between the desired right and the words of the Constitution?
Should they invoke judicial restraint, and consequently, in deference to Congress and State legislatures wait for those bodies to exercise their power to enact the new right?
Or should the justices themselves exercise their power to establish the new right "even if the broader public disagrees and even if the legislature refuses to act"?
If the justices do so is their exercise of judicial power an undemocratic usurpation of the legislative power that "robs the People of the most important liberty they asserted in the Declaration of Independence and won in the Revolution of 1776: the freedom to govern themselves"?
The competing arguments are clearly presented in
Obergefell.
OBERGEFELL et al. v. HODGES, DIRECTOR, OHIO DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, et al. 2015Justice Kennedy delivered the opinion of the Court.
There may be an initial inclination in these cases to proceed with caution—to await further legislation, litigation, and debate.
The respondents warn there has been insufficient democratic discourse before deciding an issue so basic as the definition of marriage.
In its ruling on the cases now before this Court, the majority opinion for the Court of Appeals made a cogent argument that it would be appropriate for the respondents’ States to await further public discussion and political measures before licensing same-sex marriages.
The dynamic of our constitutional system is that individuals need not await legislative action before asserting a fundamental right.
The Nation’s courts are open to injured individuals who come to them to vindicate their own direct, personal stake in our basic charter.
An individual can invoke a right to constitutional protection when he or she is harmed, even if the broader public disagrees and even if the legislature refuses to act.
Justice Scalia, with whom Justice Thomas joins, dissenting.
I join The Chief Justice’s opinion in full. I write separately to call attention to this Court’s threat to American democracy.
The substance of today’s decree is not of immense personal importance to me. The law can recognize as marriage whatever sexual attachments and living arrangements it wishes, and can accord them favorable civil consequences, from tax treatment to rights of inheritance.
So it is not of special importance to me what the law says about marriage. It is of overwhelming importance, however, who it is that rules me. Today’s decree says that my Ruler, and the Ruler of 320 million Americans coast-to-coast, is a majority of the nine lawyers on the Supreme Court.
The opinion in these cases is the furthest extension in fact—and the furthest extension one can even imagine—of the Court’s claimed power to create “liberties” that the Constitution and its Amendments neglect to mention.
This practice of constitutional revision by an unelected committee of nine, always accompanied (as it is today) by extravagant praise of liberty, robs the People of the most important liberty they asserted in the Declaration of Independence and won in the Revolution of 1776: the freedom to govern themselves.